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Englisch-Deutsch Übersetzungen für das Wort: economic

Deutsch Englisch
volkswirtschaftlich economic
wirtschaftlich economic
wirtschaftswissenschaftlich economic
wirtschaftspolitisch economic
ökonomisch economic
Konjunktur {f}Femininum (die) economic situation
Konjunkturlage {f}Femininum (die) economic climate
Wachstumsrate {f}Femininum (die) der Volkswirtschaft economic rate
wirtschaftliche Bestellmenge economic order quantity
Wirtschaftsaufschwung {m}Maskulinum (der) economic upswing
Wirtschaftsaufschwung {m}Maskulinum (der) economic upturn
Wirtschaftsaufschwung {m}Maskulinum (der) economic recovery
Wirtschaftsgebiet {n}Neutrum (das) economic area
Wirtschaftsgebiet {n}Neutrum (das) economic territory
Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft {f}Femininum (die) economic community
Wirtschaftskontrolldienst {m}Maskulinum (der) Economic Control Service
Wirtschaftskrise {f}Femininum (die) [ökon., allg.] economic crisis
Wirtschaftslage {f}Femininum (die) economic situation
Wirtschaftsleute {f}Femininum (die) economic people
Wirtschaftspolitik {f}Femininum (die) economic policy
Wirtschaftspolitiker {m}Maskulinum (der) economic politician
Wirtschaftssachverständiger {m}Maskulinum (der) economic expert
Wirtschaftssystem {n}Neutrum (das) economic system
Wirtschaftsterminologie {f}Femininum (die) economic terminology
Wirtschaftswunder {n}Neutrum (das) [ökon., allg.] economic miracle

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Now, for prudent, most wise, and economic reasons, the blacksmith’s shop was in the basement of his dwelling, but with a separate entrance to it; so that always had the young and loving healthy wife listened with no unhappy nervousness, but with vigorous pleasure, to the stout ringing of her young-armed old husband’s hammer; whose reverberations, muffled by passing through the floors and walls, came up to her, not unsweetly, in her nursery; and so, to stout Labor’s iron lullaby, the blacksmith’s infants were rocked to slumber.
That the language question should take precedence of the economic question.
In 1885 he had publicly expressed his adherence to the collective and national economic programme advocated by James Fintan Lalor, John Fisher Murray, John Mitchel, J. F. X. O’Brien and others, the agrarian policy of Michael Davitt, the constitutional agitation of Charles Stewart Parnell (M. P. for Cork City), the programme of peace, retrenchment and reform of William Ewart Gladstone (M. P. for Midlothian, N. B.) and, in support of his political convictions, had climbed up into a secure position amid the ramifications of a tree on Northumberland road to see the entrance (2 February 1888) into the capital of a demonstrative torchlight procession of 20,000 torchbearers, divided into 120 trade corporations, bearing 2000 torches in escort of the marquess of Ripon and (honest) John Morley.
A scheme to be formulated and submitted for approval to the harbour commissioners for the exploitation of white coal (hydraulic power), obtained by hydroelectric plant at peak of tide at Dublin bar or at head of water at Poulaphouca or Powerscourt or catchment basins of main streams for the economic production of 500,000 W. H. P. of electricity.
But just as the force of gravitation, incomprehensible in itself but felt by every man, is understood by us only to the extent to which we know the laws of inevitability to which it is subject (from the first knowledge that all bodies have weight, up to Newton’s law), so too the force of free will, incomprehensible in itself but of which everyone is conscious, is intelligible to us only in as far as we know the laws of inevitability to which it is subject (from the fact that every man dies, up to the knowledge of the most complex economic and historic laws).
From the time the first person said and proved that the number of births or of crimes is subject to mathematical laws, and that this or that mode of government is determined by certain geographical and economic conditions, and that certain relations of population to soil produce migrations of peoples, the foundations on which history had been built were destroyed in their essence.
For if a certain mode of government was established or certain migrations of peoples took place in consequence of such and such geographic, ethnographic, or economic conditions, then the free will of those individuals who appear to us to have established that mode of government or occasioned the migrations can no longer be regarded as the cause.
But Plato never combined his economic ideas into a system, and never seems to have recognized that Trade is one of the great motive powers of the State and of the world.
The individual is nominally free, but he is also powerless in a world bound hand and foot in the chains of economic necessity.
There is the religious mine, the philosophical mine, the economic mine, the revolutionary mine.

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